资料图:美国众议院共和党领袖麦卡锡。中新社记者 沙晗汀摄
由于两党对立加剧、党派内斗、利益分配不均等因素,众议长选举陷入一场拉锯战。在此次众议长竞选中,美国民主党议员继续抱团,多轮投票中,一票不投麦卡锡,共和党右翼“强硬派”领头的约20人小团体也拒绝投票麦卡锡。
麦卡锡的当选之路一波三折,除了本人的“政治投机派”角色在国会不受欢迎外,与共和党内部政治分歧关系密切。
一方面,共和党党内反对者认为,麦卡锡对民主党态度过于软弱,无力对抗民主党控制的参议院和拜登政府,另一方面,因为共和党的多数优势微弱,党内一些影响力较小的派系的政治力量则被放大,有利于他们巩固自己的选票。
此外,党内反对者也认为,自己的选票没有换取更多利益,希望以此作为筹码换取麦卡锡更大的让步,比如让他们获得众议院重要委员会中的职务。
作为仅次于美国总统、副总统的政坛三号人物,众议院议长通常由众议院多数党领袖担任,选举几乎没有悬念。然而,麦卡锡此次为当选,不得不做出多个关键让步,其中可能包括恢复一项罢黜议长动议机制,使得众议长的权力被削弱,难以掌控众议院。
美国有线电视新闻网CNN称,麦卡锡在这场不合时宜的政治勒索中作出让步,这种绥靖政策只会让极端主义势力更加强大。
这场引发全世界围观的尴尬选举暴露出美国政治存在严重的对立和分化。在权力博弈思维的裹挟下,党派利益凌驾于国家和人民利益之上,美国两党相互拆台,陷入“为反对而反对”的无脑对垒。而即便是一党内,也会因为利益分配问题产生不同的小派系,相互对抗,选票变成了谋利益的工具。
从国会山骚乱到打破记历史记录的15轮众议长选举,“对抗式民主”让美国政治陷入瓶颈,长期对抗势必会让政客们丧失客观公正的判断能力,其政治阶层是否有能力治理国家也会引发质疑。
两党之争和党派内斗进一步放大了美国政治体制弊病,美国所谓的“民主”形象,让全世界大跌眼镜。鼓吹以选民利益为先的美式选举,变成了政客们利益置换的游戏,进一步彰显出美国“民主政治”日渐失能,不断极化的党争已使美国政治制度陷入死循环。
House speaker election reveals deep-rooted problems in U.S. democracy
(ECNS) -- The Republican leader Kevin McCarthy was elected as the 55th speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives after 15 ballots. As the most grueling House speaker election in the past 164 years, the election has highlighted the defects of the country’s "confrontational democracy".
The election once reached a stalemate due to intense partisan strife, inner-party struggle among the Republicans, uneven distribution of interests, and more. Democratic Party members forged a close alliance, refusing to vote for McCarthy, while about 20 Republicans also declined to cast ballots for the GOP leader.
Except for his unpopular role as a "political speculator" in Congress, McCarthy’s hard-won election can be attributed to turmoil within the Republican Party.
On the one hand, opponents in the Republican Party believe that the GOP leader's attitude toward the Democrats is too weak to confront the Senate controlled by Democrats and the Biden administration.
On the other hand, the political power of some less influential factions in the Republican Party has been amplified due to the Party’s weak majority advantage in the House of Representatives, which is conducive to consolidating their ticket warehouses.
Meanwhile, these opponents believe that their votes failed to win them more benefits, hoping to use this as a bargaining chip for McCarthy's further concessions, such as getting them positions in important House Committees.
As the third political figure after the President and Vice President of the U.S., the speaker, by tradition, is the head of the majority party in the House of Representatives.
But McCarthy has made many concessions in order to bring the ultra conservatives along, involving what’s known as the “motion to vacate,” a mechanism by which members can force a vote to depose the speaker. The reported concessions will empower individual members at the expense of McCarthy’s sway as speaker.
CNN thought the concessions he made during this unseemly political shakedown would only make the extremist faction more powerful.
This embarrassing election, which has drawn global attention, exposed the serious opposition and polarization in American politics. Both Democrats and Republicans put their interests before that of the country and its people, attacking and opposing each other irrationally.
Besides, different factions arise within a single party and confront each other because of the distribution of interests. Votes have become a tool to win more benefits.
From Capitol riots to the House Speaker election with record-breaking ballots, "confrontational democracy" has become a bottleneck of American politics. Long-term confrontation will surely impede politicians to think objectively and fairly while their capacity of governing the country will also raise doubts among the public.
Both parties’ struggle and infighting among the Republicans have further amplified the defects of the American political system, with its "democratic" image shocking the world.
The U.S.-style election, which advocates putting voters' interests first, has become a game of interest exchange among politicians. In addition, it further demonstrates the malfunction of American "democratic politics" and the constantly polarized party struggle that has trapped the American political system into an infinite cycle.
2022年四季度债基回顾:近千只产品赎回超1亿份 这几只竟然超100亿******
中新经纬2月4日电 (薛宇飞)公募基金2022年四季度报告落下帷幕,基金份额申赎情况随之曝光。2022年债券型基金收益下滑明显,不少产品接连出现大额赎回,至四季度末,情况又是如何呢?
据Wind数据显示,2022年四季度,有996只债券型基金的净赎回份额超过1亿份,其中,超过50亿份的产品有38只,超过100亿份的有4只。从赎回率看,四季度赎回率超过50%的基金有499只,一些产品甚至被清仓式赎回,规模急剧下滑。
4只产品净赎回份额超百亿 华夏基金占2只
2022年,债券型基金出现一波赎回潮,引发市场关注。据天相投顾数据显示,去年四季度,债券型基金遭遇净赎回高达6581.22亿份,占整体基金净赎回份额的70%,当期利润则从2022年三季度的407.48亿元下降到-256.43亿元。
去年四季度,博时富瑞纯债A、华夏鼎茂A、国泰利享中短债C、华夏短债A等4只债券型基金产品的净赎回份额超过100亿份,分别约为176.49亿份、151.60亿份、102.32亿份、100.71亿份,赎回率分别高达68.27%、73.28%、62.85%、49.87%。
由于上述4只产品的赎回率较高,导致产品规模均出现大幅萎缩。净赎回规模最大的博时富瑞纯债A,由倪玉娟担任基金经理,该产品的规模在过去几年一路上扬,至2022年三季度末升至274.32亿元。但随着去年四季度债券市场的大幅波动和分化,规模出现断崖式下降,至四季度末降至约84.85亿元,较三季度末下降约190亿元。四季度,该产品的净值增长率为-1.56%,低于业绩比较基准收益率的0.02%。
截至2022年四季度末,华夏鼎茂A、国泰利享中短债C、华夏短债A的资产净值分别约为66.70亿元、67.98亿元、104.36亿元,规模降幅都较三季度末超过百亿元。在去年四季度,上述产品的收益情况不佳,净值增长率分别为-2.25%、0.09%、-0.50%,均低于各自的业绩比较基准收益率。
据Wind数据,博时富瑞纯债A、华夏鼎茂A、华夏短债A的投资者中,机构投资者的占比超过90%,它们在四季度均出现大规模的净赎回,这在一定程度上印证了去年较多机构投资者赎回止损的情况。
499只产品赎回率超50% 多只基金清仓式赎回
2022年四季度,债券型基金除了赎回的整体规模较大,单只产品的赎回率也较高。据Wind数据,四季度赎回率超过30%的产品有1016只,其中,赎回率超过50%的有499只,超过80%的也高达143只,超过90%的有82只。
赎回率超过90%的82只基金中,绝大多数都出现清仓式赎回,截至去年四季度末,剩余资产净值超过5000万元的产品寥寥无几。截至2022年三季度末,英大安惠纯债E的规模还有9亿元,四季度降为0。中加颐享纯债债券C三季度末的规模超过10亿元,到四季度末降到了40.48元。
截至2022年三季度末,前海联合淳安3年定开债券的规模还在62.19亿元,但四季度出现大额赎回,根据该产品2022年12月24日的公告,截至12月23日,产品扣除赎回确认金额后的资产净值余额低于5000万元,因此决定暂停运作。该产品在四季报中披露,截至四季度末,产品规模仅剩35880.79元,当季度,有4位机构投资者对产品进行了清仓,分别赎回约25亿份、18亿份、10亿份、6亿份,合计赎回59亿份。
清仓式赎回的产品还有富荣中短债C,四季度净赎回39.76亿份,赎回率高达97%,四季度末仅剩1.10亿份,资产净值约9731.19万元。该产品的收益在去年出现大跌,过去一年的净值增长率为-11.52%,这在较为稳健的债基中不算多见。富荣基金旗下的另一只产品——富荣富兴纯债,基金份额在去年四季度减少了36.51亿份,赎回率超过90%,份额降至3.78亿份。根据披露,在四季度,富荣富兴纯债也存在基金份额比例达到或超过20%的单一投资者全部赎回所持份额的情况。
不过,虽然较多债券产品出现净赎回,但也有一部分产品实现逆势增长。招商添悦纯债A的规模一直维持在1-3亿元之间,但到2022年四季度,净申购额度超过120亿份,参考其过去的投资者中绝大多数都是机构投资者,因此,应当是机构投资者对该产品进行了大规模申购。另外,南方恒新39个月定开债A、嘉实稳祥纯债A等都有数十亿元的净申购。
基金经理态度谨慎 调整优化仓位结构
对于今后债券型基金的表现,多位基金经理都在2022年四季报进行展望。
博时富瑞纯债A基金经理倪玉娟称,弱现实、强预期的基本格局短期难以改变。新冠感染人数预计于春节前达峰,但后续是否会有多轮感染还需要提防;地产销售、拿地到开工的传导链条尚不通畅,地产投资拐点未至;居民预期和信心受到长期抑制,消费能否复苏需要观察。因此,预计2023年一季度经济的复苏进程仍然会有波折,复苏基础并不牢固。流动性方面,在经济完成确定性修复之前,货币政策预计整体仍将维持宽松,DR007向政策利率收敛但中枢仍维持在政策利率下方,此外流动性分层的问题可以会一定程度上缓解。
倪玉娟表示,组合操作上,维持中性偏短久期策略,保持灵活操作。当前中高等级信用债具备较高的配置价值,信用利差预计修复,组合将结合实际流动性环境和预期变化,调整优化仓位结构,做适度杠杆。
东兴兴利C在去年四季度净赎回超过86亿份,基金经理司马义买买提在四季报中称,下一季度,将继续以“低回撤”为配置目的,关注市场的波动性;以充裕的流动性等待债券市场的资产配置机会,保持“进可攻、退可守”的投资风格。
景顺长城景颐双利A由董晗、李怡文、郭杰担任基金经理,他们在四季报中称,总体上看,对2023年国内经济的情况保持乐观。因此,从中期看,经济见底回升会带动利率中枢上移,维持对债券的谨慎观点。股票方面,当前A股估值已处于相对历史低位,仍维持对股票市场相对乐观的态度,后续重点关注疫情发展以及经济恢复情况,结构上将重点配置受益于国内宏观经济景气程度回升的个股和行业,以及竞争优势明显、景气程度可持续的高端制造业等。
(文中观点仅供参考,不构成投资建议,投资有风险,入市需谨慎。)
(文图:赵筱尘 巫邓炎)